ASEAN-EU CSO Dialogue at the ASEAN Civil Society Conference / ASEAN Peoples’ Forum (ACSC/APF) 2026

Quezon City, Philippines, 27-29 October 2026

The International Peace Bureau (IPB) actively participated in the ASEAN Civil Society Conference/ASEAN Peoples’ Forum (ACSC/APF) 2026, which brought together civil society organisations from across ASEAN and beyond to discuss key issues affecting the region and its peoples, exchange experiences, and strengthen regional networks. IPB Co-President Cora Fabros played an active role in organising the conference, while IPB Executive Director Sean Conner contributed to the discussions through his speech, “Building Common Security: Strengthening ASEAN and the Treaty of Amity and Cooperation for Peace.” His contribution highlighted the importance of peace, dialogue, common security, and meaningful civil society participation in strengthening ASEAN cooperation and the Treaty of Amity and Cooperation.

The conference also provided a valuable platform for strengthening exchanges between ASEAN-based and EU-based civil society organisations. Discussions highlighted the importance of human security, peaceful cooperation, civil society participation, and regional solidarity, while creating opportunities for continued collaboration on shared challenges. IPB’s participation strengthened its engagement with civil society networks in the region and contributed to extending ASEAN–EU dialogue beyond the conference. IPB’s participation in ACSC/APF 2026 was supported by the European Union through EU Fora Asia.

Photos from the event

Turkey’s Implementation of the  “Right to Hope” is Decisive for the Success of the Peace Process

On behalf of the international campaign “Freedom for Öcalan, Political Solution to the Kurdish Question,” we call on the Committee of Ministers of the Council of Europe to ensure Turkey’s implementation of the “Right to Hope” in accordance with the European Court of Human Rights’ judgments in Öcalan v. Turkey (No. 2) and the related Gurban Group of cases. The international campaign started on the 9th of October 2024 with participation of undersigned social movements, trade unions, Nobel Laureates, lawyers, academics, youth, women’s organisations, NGOs, elected officials, and others in its third anniversary renews its demands for the release of Mr. Abdullah Öcalan for the success of the peace process. 

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Korean Atomic Bomb Survivors to Bring Claims Against the United States at International People’s Tribunal in Seoul, November 13–15

Seoul, Republic of Korea — Korean survivors of the 1945 atomic bombings of
Hiroshima and Nagasaki will participate as plaintiffs in the International
People’s Tribunal on the 1945 Atomic Bombings (IPT), to be held on
November 13–15, 2026, at the Graduate School of Theology, Hanshin
University, in Seoul, South Korea. The Tribunal will bring together nuclear
victims from Korea, Japan, Congo, New Mexico, the Marshall Islands, and
Kazakhstan, along with international legal experts and peace activists, who will
participate as plaintiffs, witnesses, and experts. A Panel of Judges composed of
experts in international humanitarian law, international criminal law, peace, and human rights will hear the evidence and legal arguments and render its findings.

The Tribunal will focus on the suffering and rights of Korean atomic bomb
victims, examining the unlawfulness of the 1945 atomic bombings under
international law, the state responsibility of the United States, its obligations to provide an official apology and compensation, and the realization of the long-
denied rights of victims and justice for them. Through direct testimony from victims and legal arguments presented by international experts, the proceedings will seek to establish U.S. responsibility for the atomic bombings and advance justice for victims.

The Tribunal will also address the unlawfulness of the use and threat of use of
nuclear weapons, including nuclear deterrence policies. In doing so, it seeks to
explore ways to prevent the recurrence of nuclear weapons use, advance
denuclearization on the Korean Peninsula, and achieve a world free of nuclear
weapons.

The International People’s Tribunal is a civil society initiative rather than a court exercising legally binding jurisdiction over states. Nevertheless, it aims to
establish a well-supported factual and legal record through victims’ testimony
and international legal arguments, clarify the state responsibility of the United
States for the 1945 atomic bombings, and promote justice for victims. The
Tribunal also seeks to build on its findings and recommendations to advance
international efforts toward the realization of victims’ rights, compensation,
truth-seeking, and guarantees of non-repetition.

The outcome document to be announced following the three-day oral
hearings
is expected to include recommendations concerning the realization of
the rights of Korean atomic bomb victims and justice for them; redress for
nuclear victims worldwide; the abolition of extended nuclear deterrence
premised on the use or threat of use of nuclear weapons; the fulfillment of nuclear disarmament obligations under Article VI of the Nuclear Non-
Proliferation Treaty (NPT); and the resolution of nuclear confrontation and achievement of denuclearization on the Korean Peninsula through a peace
agreement and a non-aggression treaty between the United States and North
Korea, among other measures.

The outcome document will be publicly announced on November 15 and
subsequently published on the Tribunal’s official website
. Korean atomic
bomb victims serving as plaintiffs and representatives of the Tribunal will also
submit the document to the First Review Conference of the Treaty on the
Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons (TPNW) and to the United States Government.

The Seoul International People’s Tribunal represents a historic effort to establish responsibility for the 1945 atomic bombings, secure the long-delayed rights of victims and justice for them, prevent the recurrence of nuclear weapons use, and promote the development of international legal norms toward a world free of nuclear weapons. In particular, the Tribunal seeks to “promote a rule of customary international law prohibiting any threat or use of nuclear weapons” (Article 1(2) of the Statute), thereby advancing universal principles of justice and law beyond an international order dominated by nuclear-armed powers.

Journalists and international media organizations are respectfully invited
to cover the proceedings and help bring the voices and claims of Korean
atomic bomb victims, as well as the Tribunal’s historical and global
significance, to a wider international audience.

Further information, list of plaintiffs, victims and expert witnesses, and
detailed program:
https://kn-abombtribunal.campaignus.me/847944802

Registration and media accreditation:
https://forms.gle/5LWyDDHNEkcoACkb7


Panel of Judges

  • Richard A. Falk (USA) — Presiding Judge
  • Professor Emeritus of International Law, Princeton University
  • Marjorie Cohn (USA) — Co-Vice Presiding Judge
  • Emerita Professor of Law, Thomas Jefferson School of Law
  • Lee Suk-tae (Republic of Korea) — Co-Vice Presiding Judge
  • Former Justice, Constitutional Court of Korea
  • Katherine Gallagher (USA) — Judge
  • Senior Staff Attorney, Center for Constitutional Rights
  • Co-Chairs of the International Organizing Committee
  • Bishop Emeritus Kang U-il — Former Bishop of Jeju, Republic of Korea
  • Takashi Hiraoka — Former Mayor of Hiroshima, Japan
  • Archbishop John C. Wester — Archbishop of Santa Fe, United States

CONTACT:

Brad Wolf

U.S. Organizing Committee Contact

Email: bradwolf1310@gmail.com

Kihoon Lee
SPARK (Solidarity for Peace and Reunification of Korea)
Email: abombtribunal@gmail.com

Detailed Oral Hearing Program

Three-day schedule, speakers, witnesses, and session descriptions.

Media Registration

Journalists planning to cover the Tribunal are invited to register in advance.

Global aid gap widens as major donors prioritize higher military spending, new SIPRI research shows

(Stockholm, 27 October 2026) There is a widening gap between the official development assistance (ODA) provided by major donor countries and actual development and humanitarian needs, which could have potentially serious consequences for human security and political stability, according to a new report released today by the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (SIPRI). The gap could be closed with only a small fraction of the resources committed to new military spending.

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Building Common Security: Strengthening ASEAN and the Treaty of Amity and Cooperation for Peace

Speech by IPB Executive Director Sean Conner at the “Treaty of Amity & Cooperation and the Imperative of Civil Society: Understanding, Participation, and Solidarity” on 28 October 2026.

Dear friends,

It’s an honor to speak with you all today. I am sorry that I could not be with you in person, though I hope this dialogue today can spark greater coordination and solidarity between us all. 

At the International Peace Bureau, we have been campaigning for a shift in how we define security – away from narrow definitions focused on national security, military power, and confrontation, toward a wider definition of “Common Security”, based in human security, diplomacy, trust-building, multilateralism, and disarmament. This common security approach understands that security need not be a zero-sum game, that through dialogue we can create security for all, instead of against one another. It also recognizes that security cannot and must not be limited to traditional definitions – security includes “unconventional” threats including the effects of climate change and environmental degradation, and economic, gender, and other inequalities. 

The term common security originated in Europe during the high tensions of the early 1980s, where nuclear and conventional arms races had led to a looming feeling of insecurity for peoples on both sides of the iron curtain. Through the framework of common security, progress toward disarmament and détente developed over the following years, leading to, among other processes, the Intermediate Range Nuclear Forces Treaty which banned an entire class of nuclear missiles on the continent which resulted in greater security for all.

While Europe today has lamentably strayed far from the principles of Common Security, the sentiment of common security is present – even if under different names and with distinct characteristics – in many regional and international institutions and agreements across the world. ASEAN and particularly the Treaty of Amity and Cooperation (TAC) embody many of the fundamentals of common security – mutual respect for sovereignty, non-interference, active cooperation, and peaceful conflict and dispute resolution.

While the TAC, like any treaty, has had a less-than-perfect record in practice, it remains a vital reference and resource for ensuring peace, cooperation, and common security in Southeast Asia. Given the geopolitical shifts of the past decades, including the relative strengthening of China vis-à-vis the United States, the general weakness of international institutions, and a global drive toward militarism and confrontation, the TAC is perhaps more important now than ever.

The rapid growth in the number of High Contracting Parties to the TAC in recent years is also remarkable – from 1976 until 2016 the membership grew from 5 to 35 meanwhile in the last decade alone that number has soared to 62 – covering diverse countries and regions and including Russia, China, the United States, and the European Union. 

It is clear that Southeast Asia remains a highly important region geopolitically and that how these High Contracting Parties relate to ASEAN will have a large impact on the region’s future. If external forces see engagement with Southeast Asia as part of larger geopolitical competition, they may take advantage of new or existing fault lines in the region which put at risk the fundamental principles of the TAC. On the other hand, if these core commitments can be maintained and strengthened in the region, ASEAN can serve as an example of common security in practice. In this sense, the Guidelines on the Modalities for Engagement are vital and must strengthen adherence to the principles of the TAC – not just in rhetoric but in practice.

Furthermore, ASEAN would be wise to consider a wider common security framework for the TAC that would strengthen its role in peaceful conflict resolution, neutrality, and disarmament both in Southeast Asia and more widely – particularly in the wider Asia-Pacific region.

In 2024 IPB co-developed a report with partners across Asia-Pacific entitled “Common Security in the Indo-Pacific Region”, which acknowledges the potential of ASEAN in resolving regional conflicts and engaging diverse partners in diplomatic and multilateral discussions on peace and security. This includes the vital question of ASEAN-Chinese negotiations over a South China Sea code of conduct and demilitarization. 

Finally, and nonetheless importantly, ASEAN and the TAC must carve out a role for civil society to play a more active role in the creation and sustaining of regional common security. The engagement of civil society becomes a two way channel which can both strengthen the commitment of states to the principles of the TAC and strengthen public awareness and understanding of the work of ASEAN. This mutual reinforcement is key to a strong, effective, and sustainable regional body for peace, cooperation, and common security. 

War and Climate Change: The Nexus of Injustice and Why It Matters in Costa Rica

Militarism and major powers’ determination to maintain the status quo obstruct climate action, deepen extractivism, and exacerbate social inequalities and vulnerabilities.

This article was originally published in Ojo al Clima.
By Fiona Corr, a master’s student in Social Work at the University of Chicago.

02/09/2026

The role of military operations in international politics places the war machine above the survival of the planet, human dignity, and human rights. As a representative of the Human Rights and Climate Change Working Group stated during a meeting at the SB64 climate conference: this is no coincidence, but a deliberate choice made by the world’s major powers.

The interests of a handful of countries obstruct and undermine climate action. These countries provide military strength, funding, and support for armed conflicts, military occupation, and genocide. The international community’s prioritisation of militarism does not happen in isolation.

The pressures arising from human mobility, the climate crisis, and violence overlap and form a feedback loop, reinforced by international and domestic policies, governance systems, and social institutions and structures.

Growing militarism around the world promotes an extractive economy while exploiting, harming, and displacing vulnerable communities through direct violence, the wider impacts of war, and the consequences of climate change. Militarism not only reinforces rigid national border controls and extractivism, but also intensifies armed violence and oppression.

Unfortunately, the world is moving in the opposite direction from the solutions we need. Global military spending increases every year, worsening climate conditions and reinforcing dependence on fossil fuels.

In April 2026, the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (SIPRI) reported that global military spending reached $2.887 trillion in 2025. The United States, China, and Russia were the three largest military spenders, with combined expenditure of $1.48 trillion, or 51% of the global total.

The wars of recent years have clearly exposed the problems associated with the link to fossil fuels. The inconsistency between obligations and actions extends beyond those directly involved in armed conflicts to other international actors that continue to purchase energy resources from aggressors. This relationship ultimately finances and supports countries such as Russia, the United States, and Israel, strengthening the use of energy as a weapon.

Another aspect of this problem concerns military greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions and uncertainty surrounding up-to-date data. There is a critical gap in the data provided by the countries with the highest military spending—the United States, Russia, and China—with information either incomplete or entirely absent. These countries’ lack of transparency and accountability must be addressed.

Military investment must be redirected towards climate finance, social support, and sustainable energy alternatives, prioritising human rights, peace, and justice.

The pursuit of justice through international courts must take account of both dimensions of war’s impacts. On the one hand are the direct consequences of war. On the other are its less obvious effects: vulnerable populations facing the wider consequences of these conflicts in the form of climate-related loss and damage.

Central America, for example, is a vulnerable region facing multiple environmental threats because of its diverse and distinctive characteristics. A 2021 publication by the International Organization for Migration (IOM) explains the multiple climate-related disasters and hazards facing Central American countries, including droughts, hurricanes, and changing rainfall patterns.

Among those most vulnerable to these events are women, children, Indigenous Peoples, fishing communities, and small-scale or subsistence farmers.

The pressure climate change places on existing problems makes it a “threat multiplier”: conditions already present within a society are intensified by the climate crisis, forming a mutually reinforcing relationship.

Central America’s population faces a precarious situation, despite the region’s minimal contribution to climate change. Countries such as Costa Rica have historically pursued peace and environmental protection, but they cannot achieve climate justice without international cooperation.

Militarism and its links to the climate crisis represent an enormous obstacle both to Central American countries seeking climate justice and to the international climate regime as a whole in fulfilling its obligations.

The connection between climate change and militarism can sometimes be difficult to uncover because of missing data or the complex relationships involved. This lack of data constitutes structural violence driven by the interests of those who profit from war and oil. The world’s major powers depend on this situation to pursue their own interests, evade responsibility, and withhold international cooperation.

The fact that much loss and damage is not immediately visible allows countries responsible for conflicts to maintain the status quo without facing intervention. As a result, they evade responsibility, avoid acknowledging the harm caused, and fail to fulfil their obligation to provide the corresponding climate reparations. This is precisely why the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) exists.

The struggle must continue, guided by robust science and just policies. Achieving a fairer future requires recognising militarism’s role as a barrier to climate peace.


Fiona Corr completed an internship with La Ruta del Clima, researching and writing about the complexities of international climate politics. Her work is inspired above all by human experience, the role of community, the relationship between nature and human beings, and climate justice.

This article was originally published in Ojo al Clima.

Image credit: hosny salah / Pixabay.

IPB & Peace 1st Ethiopia Statement: A Shared Commitment to Peace, Dialogue, and Stability in Ethiopia

The International Peace Bureau (IPB) and Peace 1st Ethiopia reaffirm their solidarity with the people of Ethiopia and their commitment to peace, human dignity, social cohesion, and sustainable development. At this important time, we encourage all stakeholders to support calm, constructive engagement and peaceful approaches that protect communities and strengthen the country’s stability.

Ethiopia has a long history of resilience, cultural diversity, and community solidarity. Recent reports of insecurity and tensions in parts of northern Ethiopia underline the importance of continued efforts to prevent further violence, reduce tensions, and create conditions in which people can live safely and pursue their livelihoods. The situation calls for careful communication, mutual understanding, and a shared commitment to preventing harm to civilians.

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Global Call for Action: The “Empty Chair” Ahead of the TPNW Review Conference

By: Organizing Committee of the World Conference against Atomic and Hydrogen Bombs

The Organizing Committee of the World Conference against Atomic and Hydrogen Bombs calls on peace organizations and civil society movements worldwide to take action ahead of the first Review Conference of the Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons (TPNW), scheduled for November 30 to December 4.

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We’ll Watch the Sky

A short narrative film exploring the human cost of nuclear war through the people, relationships, and choices left in its final moments.

The film follows two estranged partners who find each other again in the final moments of a nuclear attack. Rather than focusing on the politics or mechanics of nuclear weapons, the film deliberately focuses on the people affected, asking what nuclear war actually means for ordinary people, relationships, and the people we would try to find when everything else has disappeared.

The film team is inviting organizations interested in screenings, educational events, awareness campaigns, online content, or discussions on the humanitarian consequences of nuclear war to get in touch. Visit https://moviemakingmedia.co.uk/

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