Настоятельная необходимость деэскалации для предотвращения ядерной катастрофы

– 27 февраля 2023 года –

Приостановка Россией действия договора СНВ-3 (the New START Treaty) знаменует собой последнюю опасную и безответственную эскалацию ядерных угроз после вторжения на Украину год назад. Быстрое ухудшение дипломатических отношений между Россией и Западом, наряду с усилением военных действий в Украине и прежними ядерными угрозами со стороны России, должно послужить тревожным сигналом для всего мира: мы ближе, чем когда-либо, к ядерному уничтожению.

Незадолго до российского вторжения, в январе 2022 года, лидеры пяти ядерных держав подтвердили то, что мы все знаем как истину: ядерную войну нельзя вести и ее нельзя выиграть. Вместо того чтобы принять это сообщение близко к сердцу, Россия и Запад продолжают полагаться на ядерное сдерживание как на фундаментальную стратегию своей внешней политики, в том числе в качестве щита для своих империалистических авантюр. Обе стороны виновны в подрыве режима контроля над ядерными вооружениями, установленного во время холодной войны — посещение ядерных объектов США в рамках СНВ-3 также было ограничено санкциями против России. Угроза применения ядерного оружия сейчас выше, чем когда-либо в истории со времен кубинского ракетного кризиса.

Международное бюро мира вновь призывает к немедленному прекращению огня в Украине и к участию всех вовлеченных сторон в переговорах, чтобы положить конец насилию и кровопролитию. Мы требуем, чтобы переговоры включали вопросы безопасности украинцев, россиян и западных правительств, чтобы они основывались на общей безопасности и немедленно возобновили действие договора СНВ-3, а также работали над восстановлением дальнейших договоров по контролю над ядерными вооружениями и об установлении доверия, на основе принципов общей безопасности.

Кроме того, Международное бюро мира призывает положить конец дорогостоящей модернизации ядерного оружия — многомиллиардному проекту, который ничего не делает для обеспечения безопасности, — и ко всем странам поддержать Договор о запрещении ядерного оружия (ДЗЯО) во имя безопасного и безъядерного будущего.

Мариенштрассе, 19-20

10117 Берлин, Германия

IPB Statement: The Urgent Need for Deescalation to Prevent Nuclear Disaster 

 – 27 February 2023 

Russia’s suspension of the New START Treaty marks the latest in the dangerous and irresponsible escalation of nuclear threats since the invasion of Ukraine one year ago. The rapid deterioration of diplomatic relations between Russia and the West, alongside the intensification of the war in Ukraine and Russia’s previous nuclear threats, must serve as a wake-up call to the world: we are closer than we have ever been to nuclear annihilation. 

Just prior to the Russian invasion, in January 2022, the leaders of the five nuclear-weapon states reiterated what we all know to be true: a nuclear war must not be fought and cannot be won. Instead of taking this message to heart, Russia and the West continue to rely on nuclear deterrence as a fundamental strategy for their foreign policies, including as a shield for their imperialist ventures. Both sides are guilty of eroding the nuclear arms control regime established during the Cold War – visits to US nuclear sites under New START were likewise restricted by sanctions against Russia. The threat of the use of nuclear weapons is now higher than at any point in history since the Cuban Missile Crisis. 

The International Peace Bureau calls again for an immediate ceasefire in Ukraine and for all involved parties to engage in negotiations to bring the violence and bloodshed to an end. We demand that negotiations include the security concerns of Ukrainians, Russians, and Western governments to rely on common security and to immediately resume the New START treaty, as well as to work for the re-establishment of further nuclear arms control and trust-building treaties, in line with the principles of common security. 

Furthermore, IPB calls for an end to the expensive modernization of nuclear weapons – a multi-billion dollar project that does nothing to ensure security – and for all nations to support the Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons for a safer, nuclear-free future. 

–––––––––

You can download the PDF version of this Statement in English here:

You can download the PDF version of this Statement in Russian here:

➡️ Interact with us on social media especially to learn about our latest actions and activities: FacebookTwitterInstagram, and Youtube.

➡️ Our office is open to reply to any doubts regarding the documents that were above presented. To get in touch with us, e-mail us at info@ipb-office.berlin.

New article by Michael von der Schulenburg

Michael von der Schulenburg, a former UN/OSCE diplomat, who has lately been working on the Vatican peace plan has published a new article on the Ukraine war, the importance of the UN-Charta and the obligation to seek peace.

[…] The Preamble of the UN Charter states that “We the peoples of the United Nations (are) determined to save succeeding generations from the scourge of war, which twice in our lifetime has brought untold sorrow to mankind…” Unfortunately, this appeal of the UN Charter seems forgotten today. Especially, the original founding members, and hence supposed protectors, of the UN Charter, the US, UK, France and now also Russia, have repeatedly eroded its principles for their own political aims or, indeed, ignored it altogether. As permanent members of the UN Security Council with a veto power they were in a position to do this. In the Ukraine war, these four veto powers have now become direct adversaries, making a mockery of the UN Charter meant to prevent such wars. They thus bear primary responsibility for this war and its consequences vis-à-vis humanity.[…]” (20.02.2023, Michael von der Schulenburg in “The war in Ukraine and our obligation to seek peace – A call to find peaceful solutions”)

If you’re interested in reading the full article, please click here.

Press Release: Iraq War Protests +20 – Lessons from past peace movements. Actions towards a peaceful future

– 07th February 2023

Twenty years ago, on February 15th, 2003, activists from across the globe gathered in what many social movement researchers would come to describe as “the largest protest event in human history.”[1] In more than 600 cities worldwide, coordinated protests filled the streets with people expressing their opposition to the imminent United States-led invasion of the Republic of Iraq[2]. This was part of a series of protests and political events that had begun in 2002 and continued as the invasion, the war, and the occupation took place. 

Twenty years later, on February 15th and 16th, 2023, the International Peace Bureau (IPB), together with partners and supporters, organized an event to remember and discuss the preparation, organization, and consequences of these large anti-war rallies. We aim to highlight the lessons learned by the international and national peace movements and discuss further steps toward the future of peace when dealing with the current challenges of our times.

Named “Iraq War Protests +20”, the event will have three interconnected parts ­– parts 01 and 02 on February 15th (04:00 PM – 08:00 PM Central European Time) and part 03 on February 16th (07:00 AM – 09:00 AM CET), with the aim to address all parts of the world.

At the event we will have the participation of a variety of speakers in round tables, interviews, and other actions in different sections:

👉 COMPLETE AND UPDATED PROGRAM HERE 👈

Part 01: A glance at the past – the causes and consequences of the Iraq War

  • Video opening with footage and comments of the documentary “We Are Many” (2014), directed by Amir Amirani. Also, footage of the documentary “The Days Before – a journey through time for peace in Iraq”, a contribution from Leo Gabriel.
  • Video remarks from the organizers and participators of the activities in 2003;
  • Interview with Ismaeel Dawood, an Iraqi Human rights defender;
  • Round Table on the Impact of the war on the anti-war movement;

Part 02: A glance at the present – the current state of the peace movement

  • Participation of Noam Chomsky about the reasons behind the war, the lessons learned, and the war’s impact on global developments;
  • Round Table on the current challenges the Peace Movement Faces;

Part 03: A glance at the future – where peace will take us?

  • Summary and Highlights of the previous day;
  • Round Table on how to build the future of the peace movement;
  • Musical and Artistic Intervention;

👉 COMPLETE AND UPDATED PROGRAM HERE 👈


[1] https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/15_February_2003_anti-war_protests

[2] https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/2003_invasion_of_Iraq

[3] https://www.imdb.com/title/tt1929449/


You can register for our event here or click on the links below:

Registration link for Parts 01 & 02 (15th of February, 04 PM – 08 PM CET):

➡️ Click here to register to parts 01 & 02!

Registration link for Parts 03 (16th of February, 07 AM – 09 AM CET):

➡️Click here to register to part 03!

More details on the program are going to be uploaded on the page for the event.


You can download the PDF version of this press release here:

➡️ Interact with us on social media especially to learn about our latest actions and activities: FacebookTwitterInstagram, and Youtube.

➡️ Our office is open to reply to any doubts regarding the documents that were above presented. To get in touch with us, e-mail us at info@ipb-office.berlin.

IPB Call to Action – On the First Anniversary of the Russian Invasion of Ukraine: Let’s Show That There Are Peaceful Alternatives to War

The International Peace Bureau calls on our members worldwide to take action during 24-26 February 2023 in support of peace in Ukraine. The war, which will mark its first anniversary on 24.02.2023, has already cost more than two hundred thousand lives[1] – by conservative estimates – forced millions to flee their homes[2], caused widespread destruction of Ukrainian cities, and strained already fragile supply chains that have made life more difficult for people the world over.

We know that this war is unsustainable – and, worse still, risks escalation that threatens the life and livelihood of people around the world. The nuclear rhetoric of Russia in particular is irresponsible and demonstrates the fragility of this moment. Moreover, the war’s direct and indirect impact on the climate impedes the urgent need for a green transition[3].

There is no easy solution to the war in Ukraine, but the current track we are on is unsustainable. Through global demonstrations for peace, we seek to pressure the two sides to establish a ceasefire and to take steps toward negotiations for long-term peace.

Our calls for peace are not limited to Ukraine – for all conflicts in the world, we implore governments to refuse the logic of confrontation and war, to oppose the nuclear peril, and to commit themselves to disarmament by signing the Nuclear Weapons Ban Treaty. We demand that governments and states act in favor of diplomacy, negotiation, conflict prevention, and the establishment of common security systems[4].

We call for your support and your voices for peace. Please consider joining an existing event during this weekend of action, or planning your own. Together we are stronger, and can show the world that there are alternatives to war and militarization. 

Further resources:


[1] https://www.theguardian.com/world/2022/nov/10/us-estimates-200000-military-casualties-all-sides-ukraine-war

[2] https://cream-migration.org/ukraine-detail.htm?article=3573#:~:text=The%20UNHCR%20records%207%2C977%2C980%20refugees,for%20temporary%20protection%20in%20Europe

[3] https://www.sgr.org.uk/publications/estimating-military-s-global-greenhouse-gas-emissions

[4] https://commonsecurity.org/


You can download the PDF version of this official statement here:

➡️ Click here to read the appeal in French.

➡️ Interact with us on social media especially to learn about our latest actions and activities: FacebookTwitterInstagram, and Youtube.

➡️ Our office is open to reply to any doubts regarding the documents that were above presented. To get in touch with us, e-mail us at info@ipb-office.berlin.

 90 Seconds to Midnight: A Wake-Up Call for Peace? 

Official Statement – 25/01/2023

On 24 January 2023, The Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists officially announced that the Doomsday Clock moved to 90 seconds to midnight – the closest the count has been to global apocalypse in its 78 years of existence, underlining the grim state of the world in 2023. 

This report is a wake-up call to the world; we cannot continue on the path that we have been going. The International Peace Bureau and our global network once again call on all parties involved in the war in Ukraine – including those indirectly involved through weapons transfers and other support – to push for an immediate ceasefire and take good-faith efforts to return to the negotiating table, in order to avoid the unprecedented threats that the war poses for the future of all life on our planet.

The Bulletin references the dangers of escalation in the war in Ukraine – where both parties are entrenched in their positions and Russia has threatened the use of nuclear weapons – alongside the weaponization of nuclear plants, the lack of cooperation on climate change, and the erosion of international norms.

While the war in Ukraine may be the most immediate existential threat we face, the end of the war itself is not enough to push us back from the brink. We urgently need Common Security, including a new peace architecture in Europe to avoid future conflicts.  Furthermore, we need global cooperation to eliminate nuclear weapons through the framework of the Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons (TPNW) and the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT). New agreements between nuclear weapons states on reductions of such weapons, an end to their modernization and the nuclear sharing between the US and European countries, and the expansion of Nuclear Weapons Free Zones (NWFZ) could be a starting point toward their elimination.

Importantly, the “Joint Statement of the Leaders of the Five Nuclear-Weapon States” just over a year ago emphasized that a nuclear war can never be won.

Finally, we need urgent global cooperation to reduce greenhouse gas emissions and transition to clean energy; we need to cease the alarming use of new militarized like drones and artificial intelligence; and we need global justice, standing together against colonialism, militarism, inequality, and exploitation, to avoid the conflicts of tomorrow. A negation of militarism and a reduction of military spending – which globally amounts to more than 2 trillion US dollars –  in favour of social spending can ensure that we avoid moving any closer to global catastrophe.

The International Peace Bureau will continue to work with our network and partners to push us back from the brink and create a brighter, peaceful future.


You can download the PDF version of this official statement here:

➡️ Interact with us on social media especially to learn about our latest actions and activities: Facebook, Twitter, Instagram, and Youtube.

➡️ Our office is open to reply to any doubts regarding the documents that were above presented. To get in touch with us, e-mail us at info@ipb-office.berlin.

The Dismal State of Nuclear Disarmament

Viewpoint by Jacqueline Cabasso

The writer is the Executive Director of the Western States Legal Foundation.

OAKLAND, California (IDN) — The year 2022 has been a nightmare for nuclear disarmament. The year started out with a mildly reassuring Joint Statement by the five original nuclear-armed states, issued on January 3, 2022, declaring:

“The People’s Republic of China, the French Republic, the Russian Federation, the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland, and the United States of America consider the avoidance of war between Nuclear-Weapon States and the reduction of strategic risks as our foremost responsibilities. We affirm that a nuclear war cannot be won and must never be fought.”

But less than two months later Russia launched a brutal war of aggression on Ukraine, accompanied by a series of veiled and no-so-veiled nuclear threats, raising concerns about the dangers of nuclear war to their highest level since the darkest days of the Cold War. And prospects for progress on nuclear disarmament went down from there.

The January 3 Joint Statement also avowed: “We remain committed to our Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) obligations, including our Article VI obligation ‘to pursue negotiations in good faith on effective measures relating to cessation of the nuclear arms race at an early date and to nuclear disarmament…’.”

However, more than 50 years after the NPT entered into force, their behavior points in the opposite direction. All of the nuclear-armed states, including the four outside the NPT (India, Israel, Pakistan, and North Korea) are engaged in costly programs to qualitatively upgrade and in some cases quantitatively increase their nuclear arsenals.

The 10th NPT Review Conference, which took place in August, was an abject failure, not because it couldn’t agree on a final outcome document, but because the nuclear-armed states haven’t made good on their fundamental nuclear disarmament obligation under Article VI of the Treaty, nor on the promises and commitments to action items that would lead to nuclear disarmament they agreed to in connection with the indefinite extension of the Treaty in 1995 and in the 2000 and 2010 final documents.

Despite the reassuring-sounding words in the Joint Statement, “We intend to continue seeking bilateral and multilateral diplomatic approaches to avoid military confrontations, strengthen stability and predictability, increase mutual understanding and confidence, and prevent an arms race that would benefit none and endanger all,” the reality is that a new nuclear arms race is already underway—compounded by offensive cyber capabilities, artificial intelligence, developing hypersonic capacities, a return to intermediate-range delivery systems, and the production of delivery systems capable of carrying either conventional or nuclear payloads.

In September and October, while our attention was focused on the U.S. midterm election results and Russia’s continuing nuclear threats in Ukraine, alarming developments were taking place on the Korean peninsula, where North Korea conducted a flurry of missile tests.

According to North Korea’s state news agency, these tests simulated showering South Korea with tactical nuclear weapons, as a warning in response to large-scale navy drills by South Korean and U.S. forces.

As the year wore on, negotiations on reviving the Iran nuclear deal stalled. And as Iran increased its uranium enrichment, the foreign minister of Saudi Arabia declared, “If Iran gets an operational nuclear weapon, all bets are off.”

Against this volatile backdrop, ten months into the Russian war in Ukraine, the Biden administration released the unclassified version of its Nuclear Posture Review (NPR), which doubles down on the centrality of nuclear deterrence—the threatened use of nuclear weapons—in U.S. national security policy.

The NPR could be read as pouring gas on the fire, naming Russia and China as strategic competitors and potential adversaries, and identifying North Korea and Iran as lesser potential threats. While giving lip service to “a renewed emphasis on arms control”, it declares, “For the foreseeable future, nuclear weapons will continue to provide unique deterrence effects that no other element of U.S. military power can replace. …” To this end, “The United States is committed to modernizing its nuclear forces, nuclear command, control, and communications (NC3) system, and production and support infrastructure. …”

This commitment is fully funded in the obscene $858 Billion National Defense Authorization Act passed by the Senate on December 15, which includes $50 Billion for nuclear weapons – more than was requested in the NPR.

The current state of nuclear disarmament affairs might be exemplified by the public unveiling of the B-21 Raider on December 3, with great fanfare, at contractor Northrup Grumman’s California headquarters. The B-21, a “sixth generation” aircraft, is the first new strategic bomber in more than three decades, designed to deliver both nuclear and conventional munitions.

It deploys the latest stealth technology and has global reach. Earlier plans included an unmanned option. The B-21 will replace the B-1B and B-2A bombers, and the number of strategic bomber bases in the U.S. that can store nuclear weapons will be increased from two at present to five by the mid-2030s. And so, it goes.

The Doomsday clock is ticking. By doubling down on the concept of national security through military might, at any cost, the governments of the nuclear-armed states and their allies are putting humanity on the road to Armageddon.

People everywhere, together, need to rise up non-violently and demand the implementation of a different concept of security, one based on cooperation among governments to make meeting human needs and protecting the environment their highest priority.

[IDN-InDepthNews – 25 December 2022]


This article was reproduced from IDN-InDepthNews with their authorization: https://www.indepthnews.net/

IDN is the flagship agency of the Non-profit International Press Syndicate.

This article was produced as a part of the joint media project between The Non-profit International Press Syndicate Group and Soka Gakkai International in Consultative Status with ECOSOC on 25 December 2022.

We believe in the free flow of information. Republish our articles for free, online or in print, under Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International, except for articles that are republished with permission.

Peace Is Possible, If We Want It

Ahead of the 70th Anniversary of the Korean War Armistice in 2023

Written by Sooyoung Hwang: Manager, Center for Peace and Disarmament, PSPD Secretary General, Korea Peace Appeal Campaign

Not long ago, there was an accident in which a South Korean missile fell into a military unit in Gangneung, a city in the east of South Korea. The missile fired by the South Korean military in response to North Korea’s ballistic missile launch was mistakenly dropped during an abnormal flight. The explosion and fire left residents in a state of anxiety all night. As North Korea’s missile crossed the South Korea’s NLL(Northern Limit Line) and fell into the open sea, an air raid warning was issued for the first time on Ulleungdo, a small island in the east sea. Many military experts said the missile was likely a “fault.” Residents living in Gunsan, where USFK air base is located, continuously say, “It’s too loud to live here.” Because a large-scale ROK-US combined air force exercise ‘Vigilant Storm’ was conducted last november. It was a military exercise mobilizing 250 aircrafts including F-35A fighter jets of South Korean army and USFK, and F-35B fighter jets of USFJ to strike hundreds of strategic locations in North Korea simultaneously. 

Year 2022, Crisis on the Korean Peninsula

The crisis on the Korean Peninsula is so serious enough to cause armed conflicts at any time. Everyone is worried that there will be an accidental armed conflict when inter-Korean dialogue has been halted. One of the largest military drills, the ROK-US combined military exercise, is being conducted frequently in the small peninsula. These exercises involve utilizing both nuclear and non-nuclear forces. North Korea’s response to South Korea and US military action is also getting tougher. North Korea has pushed ahead with the most missile tests ever this year, including ICBMs.

Even more dangerous is the fact that South Korea, the US, and North Korea are announcing and practicing a ‘preemptive strike’ strategy against their opponents. South Korea and the US are practicing operational plans, including preemptive strikes and leadership beheading, and are frequently deploying fighter jets capable of dropping nuclear weapons on the Korean Peninsula under the name of ‘extended deterrence.’ In response, North Korea has also announced the Law on the DPRK’s Nuclear Forces Policy, that said it could preemptively use nuclear weapons if an attack is deemed imminent or if the leadership is threatened. The vicious cycle of arms race is repeating.

It is contradictory for both South Korea, North Korea, and the US to be so preoccupied with war exercises that they want no war to break out. South Korea Yoon Suk-yeol administration’s policy toward North Korea is based on an old idea that “we will make economic compensation if North Korea gives up its nuclear weapons.” It is also strengthening its aggressive military posture, insisting on ‘peace through strength.’ Beyond the ROK-US military alliance, the ROK-US-Japan military cooperation is being promoted at a rapid pace, and cooperation with NATO is also being strengthened. It is hard to find an independent strategy and realistic solution for peace in the current administration. As a result, South Korean government has not had any significant contact or dialogue with North Korea so far.

In 2018, the Korean Peninsula showed hope for peace to the world. But now, military tensions are rising without an exit. Since North Korea announced a moratorium on nuclear and ICBM tests in 2018, South Korea and the US have not taken appropriate countermeasures to improve hostile relations and resolve security threats felt by North Korea. This is one of the reasons for the loss of momentum in negotiations, and why North Korea cannot be blamed solely for the current situation.

Northeast Asia, the Front Line of the US-China Conflict

Recently, a series of diplomatic events such as the US-China summit, the G20 summit, the ROK-US-Japan summit were held. But it is still difficult to find peace, cooperation, or a bright future. It is a good thing that the leaders of the US and China announced that there would be no ‘New Cold War’ and decided to resume climate change negotiations. But it’s not enough. The world’s blocization and militarism are getting worse day by day. In particular, the strategic competition between the world’s top military expenditure (US) and second (China) is taking place in all areas, and is expected to continue to be.

As the confrontation between the US and China intensifies, conflicts and tensions are occurring throughout Northeast Asia, including the Korean Peninsula, the East China Sea, the South China Sea, and Taiwan. Any accidental armed conflict in these areas would have disastrous consequences. The confrontation between the ROK-US-Japan and the DPRK-China-Russia are gradually increasing around the Korean Peninsula. The Korean Peninsula, which had not escaped the Cold War structure even during the post-Cold War period, is now in the midst of an unpredictable vortex called the ‘New Cold War.’

Our proposal, Peace-First Approach

We do not have much time. From now on, we cannot guarantee that even the unstable cease-fire on the Korean peninsula that has lasted for the past 70 years will remain in place. We must urge each government and the international community to act as follows to ensure a peaceful resolution of the conflict on the Korean Peninsula and to prevent armed conflicts in Northeast Asia.

First, the countries concerned must immediately stop all military action that intensifies military tensions on the Korean Peninsula. They must recognize that armed protests only intensify the vicious circle and can never be a solution. In particular, South Korea and the US need to take preemptive measures to reduce threats, such as suspending combined military exercises. It is urgent to restore trust and create conditions for the dialogue to resume. We need to find extraordinary ways, such as appointment of special envoys to North Korea. The US has the strongest military power in the world, and South Korea spends more than 1.5 times the total GDP of North Korea on military spending alone. South Korea and the US, which have an overwhelming advantage in economic and military power over North Korea, should act first. If anyone doesn’t change, we can’t expect change.

Second, it is necessary to reassess the purpose and effectiveness of the UN Security Council sanctions on the DPRK. The policy to make North Korea give up its nuclear weapons through sanctions and military pressure has failed for the past two decades. As a result, we all witnessed that North Korea’s nuclear capability has grown over time. We should all remember that North Korea’s nuclear and ICBM tests were suspended, at least while talks and negotiations were underway. The international community cannot solve problems simply by demonizing the DPRK and imposing sanctions and pressure. UN Security Council resolutions on the DPRK emphasize not only sanctions but also peaceful and comprehensive solutions through dialogue. Comprehensive sanctions against North Korea have been ineffective in resolving the nuclear conflict, but only have worsened the humanitarian situation of North Koreans. Sanctions are not an end but a means. Sanctions on North Korea should be eased to improve the humanitarian situation and promote inter-Korean cooperation and peace negotiations.

Third, the fundamental way to solve the conflict on the Korean Peninsula is to resolve the hostile relations. Complete denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula is impossible unless the unstable ceasefire is ended, hostile relations are converted into general diplomatic relations, mutual trust is established, and military threats are resolved. Yet, this will become more and more impossible as time goes by. Peace negotiations should begin, dealing comprehensively and effectively with the conclusion of peace agreements, improvement of the DPRK-US and the DPRK-Japan relations, and denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula. And denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula cannot be achieved solely by the ‘CVID of North Korea.’ The policy of relying on nuclear weapons including the US nuclear umbrella, upon which South Korea and Japan depend, must also end. These steps would create the conditions for establishing a nuclear-weapon-free zone in Northeast Asia and all states in the region joining the Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons (TPNW). This is the way to protect the safety of all residents of the Korean Peninsula and East Asia.

Fourth, international efforts are needed to prevent armed conflicts in Northeast Asia and disarmament. Tensions are rising throughout Northeast Asia, and some regions are at high risk of leading to armed conflict. We need to resolve conflicts peacefully through dialogue and preventive diplomacy. Especially, regular dialogue and mechanisms should be created to control the deepening arms race between the US and China, including modernizing nuclear weapons, missile defense, autonomous weapon systems, militarizing space, and so on. Northeast Asia is an area where regional approaches have not developed and there is no regional security cooperation system. It should be noted that national security is deeply interdependent with other nations. As an alternative to resolving the deepening bilateral conflict, efforts are needed for regional security cooperation and dialogue. In addition, cooperation on the common goal of combating climate change must also continue regardless of the political and military situation. Because there is no peace without climate justice, and there is no climate justice without peace.

One Voice to End the Korean War, Korea Peace Appeal Campaign 

South Korea’s nationwide civil society organizations, seven major religious orders, and international organizations have been conducting the global signature campaign of the Korea Peace Appeal calling for an end to the Korean War and peace agreement since 2020. It is to end the vicious cycle of arms race on the Korean Peninsula, create a world without nuclear weapons and establish peace through dialogue and cooperation.

Year 2023 marks the 70th anniversary of the Korean War Armistice Agreement. Next year, Korea Peace Appeal Campaign plans to extend our campaign in various ways. Ahead of the signing date of the Armistice Agreement on July 27, the Global Action for Korea Peace in 100 different cities around the world, large scale rallies and marches in Seoul, and international conferences will be held in July. Detailed ways to participate will be updated to everyone next year. I hope that you and peace folks around the world will join with us to bring peace on the Korean Peninsula. 

The world we are facing now may not be the ‘Post War’ but the ‘Pre War’ era. The word ‘war’ feels closer than ever. We must continue to call for peace, disarmament, and cooperation against militarism and blocization. The higher the risk of war and armed conflict, the more people will want peace. The role of the peace movement is to connect and amplify the voices of such people as one, and to tell the world that “peace is possible.”

For the 70th anniversary of the armistice of the Korean War, let’s go together for peace on the Korean Peninsula and Northeast Asia, and for world peace.

Sign the Korea Peace Appeal: https://endthekoreanwar.net

Climate & The Military: How Global Militarization Is Costing Us The Earth

By Alessandra Fontanella, Assistant Coordinator (IPB)

New Reports Show the Extent of Military Pollution on our Planet

Recent data from reports published by Scientists for Global Responsibility (SGR)and the Conflict and Environment Observatory (CEOBS), as well as from the Transnational Institute (TNI), Stop Wapenhandel, and Tipping Point North South (TPNS) demonstrate the overwhelmingly negative impact of global military activities on our climate.

The 2022 SGR report estimates that the world’s militaries contribute to 5.5 per cent of global greenhouse gas  (GHG) emissions. It also finds that if the world’s militaries were a country, it would have the 4th largest national carbon footprint in the world. To illustrate these findings further, if global militaries were combined they would be the world’s 29th top oil consumer, ahead of Venezuela and Poland.  SGR and CEOBS estimate the annual military carbon footprint of the US at 205 million tonnes, and 11 million tonnes for the UK.

Despite the new methodology that has enabled scientists to approximate the level of military carbon pollution, their estimations are limited. A lack of clear and consistent reporting of data by governments has made it difficult to provide accurate estimations of military greenhouse gas emissions – under the 1997 Kyoto Protocol, governments are not obligated to report their emissions data to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCC). Further, collaborative research by between CEOBS and Concrete Impacts: militaryemissions.org shows no yearly improvements on voluntary reporting by governments. It is also difficult for researchers to measure emissions from damage to buildings, eco-systems and reconstructions efforts post-conflict leading to significant data gaps.

Despite these limitations, the existing data is alarming and highlights the need for dialogue between governments, international organisations and civil society to work towards a global plan. Civil society can play a crucial role in advocating for the redirection of finance from the military towards funding climate change. The richest countries (annex II in the UN Climate Talks) have a military expenditure 30 times greater than what they allocate to climate finance for vulnerable countries and have failed to meet their obligation of providing $100bn a year to the most climate-vulnerable countries in the world. The redistribution of just one year’s military spending by the top 10 military countries towards climate finance would provide 15 years  (US $100bn) of the promised funding.

Moreover, a thorough set of data protocols should be put in place to enhance transparency and pave the way for more comprehensive and accurate data on global military emissions, as suggested by SGR. We must demand greater transparency and accountability from governments, and promote the dissemination of information about military emissions to increase public attention on governments’ military spending and activities.  Collective action in the peace and climate movements  is necessary to bring about a  reduction of military carbon emissions, and the redirection of spending in this sector towards mitigative action for our climate.

The best way to reduce military pollution on our planet is to reduce war. The International Peace Bureau is committed to promoting positive peace and justice, below we outline several recent actions that IPB has taken:

  • IPB’s year round campaign – Global Campaign on Military Spending (GCOMS) raises awareness of excessive military spending and aims to reduce global military expenditures.
  • IPB Council member Tyson Smith Berry Jr. hosted the panel “Climate Change & Common Security: challenges and solutions in Africa and the world at large” at the conference : From Conflict to Beloved Communities – A Series of International Gatherings on Peace, Justice and Non-Violence on November 8 in Juba, South Sudan.
  • For the COP 27 which recently took place in Sharm el-Sheikh, Egypt, the IPB alongside the Women’s International League for Peace and Freedom (WILPF) and World BEYOND War (WBW)sent two open letters addressed to the UNFCC and Green Climate.
  • Visit IPB’s Youtube Channel to watch our broadcast updates from COP27 – focused on the events and activists that brought together the themes of peace and climate.

Conference Review: ‘From Conflict to Beloved Communities: A Series of International Gatherings on Peace, Justice and Nonviolence’ in Juba, South Sudan

Tyson in Juba, South Sudan

From 03-21 November, the Province of the Episcopal Church of South Sudan in conjunction with the Organization for Nonviolence and Development hosted the conference “From Conflict to Beloved Communities: A Series of International Gatherings on Peace, Justice and Nonviolence.”

IPB council member and Executive Director of 4kids International, Tyson Smith Berry Jr., hosted IPB Day at the conference on 08 November. The program, titled “Climate Change & Common Security: challenges and solutions in Africa and the world at large,” included various seminars and workshops.

Read Tyson’s report here:

Click here to learn more about IPB Day in Juba!

Matt Meyer, Secretary-General of the International Peace Research Association (IPRA), also shared afterthoughts from the events in Juba: