Building Common Security: Strengthening ASEAN and the Treaty of Amity and Cooperation for Peace

Speech by IPB Executive Director Sean Conner at the “Treaty of Amity & Cooperation and the Imperative of Civil Society: Understanding, Participation, and Solidarity” on 28 October 2026.

Dear friends,

It’s an honor to speak with you all today. I am sorry that I could not be with you in person, though I hope this dialogue today can spark greater coordination and solidarity between us all. 

At the International Peace Bureau, we have been campaigning for a shift in how we define security – away from narrow definitions focused on national security, military power, and confrontation, toward a wider definition of “Common Security”, based in human security, diplomacy, trust-building, multilateralism, and disarmament. This common security approach understands that security need not be a zero-sum game, that through dialogue we can create security for all, instead of against one another. It also recognizes that security cannot and must not be limited to traditional definitions – security includes “unconventional” threats including the effects of climate change and environmental degradation, and economic, gender, and other inequalities. 

The term common security originated in Europe during the high tensions of the early 1980s, where nuclear and conventional arms races had led to a looming feeling of insecurity for peoples on both sides of the iron curtain. Through the framework of common security, progress toward disarmament and détente developed over the following years, leading to, among other processes, the Intermediate Range Nuclear Forces Treaty which banned an entire class of nuclear missiles on the continent which resulted in greater security for all.

While Europe today has lamentably strayed far from the principles of Common Security, the sentiment of common security is present – even if under different names and with distinct characteristics – in many regional and international institutions and agreements across the world. ASEAN and particularly the Treaty of Amity and Cooperation (TAC) embody many of the fundamentals of common security – mutual respect for sovereignty, non-interference, active cooperation, and peaceful conflict and dispute resolution.

While the TAC, like any treaty, has had a less-than-perfect record in practice, it remains a vital reference and resource for ensuring peace, cooperation, and common security in Southeast Asia. Given the geopolitical shifts of the past decades, including the relative strengthening of China vis-à-vis the United States, the general weakness of international institutions, and a global drive toward militarism and confrontation, the TAC is perhaps more important now than ever.

The rapid growth in the number of High Contracting Parties to the TAC in recent years is also remarkable – from 1976 until 2016 the membership grew from 5 to 35 meanwhile in the last decade alone that number has soared to 62 – covering diverse countries and regions and including Russia, China, the United States, and the European Union. 

It is clear that Southeast Asia remains a highly important region geopolitically and that how these High Contracting Parties relate to ASEAN will have a large impact on the region’s future. If external forces see engagement with Southeast Asia as part of larger geopolitical competition, they may take advantage of new or existing fault lines in the region which put at risk the fundamental principles of the TAC. On the other hand, if these core commitments can be maintained and strengthened in the region, ASEAN can serve as an example of common security in practice. In this sense, the Guidelines on the Modalities for Engagement are vital and must strengthen adherence to the principles of the TAC – not just in rhetoric but in practice.

Furthermore, ASEAN would be wise to consider a wider common security framework for the TAC that would strengthen its role in peaceful conflict resolution, neutrality, and disarmament both in Southeast Asia and more widely – particularly in the wider Asia-Pacific region.

In 2024 IPB co-developed a report with partners across Asia-Pacific entitled “Common Security in the Indo-Pacific Region”, which acknowledges the potential of ASEAN in resolving regional conflicts and engaging diverse partners in diplomatic and multilateral discussions on peace and security. This includes the vital question of ASEAN-Chinese negotiations over a South China Sea code of conduct and demilitarization. 

Finally, and nonetheless importantly, ASEAN and the TAC must carve out a role for civil society to play a more active role in the creation and sustaining of regional common security. The engagement of civil society becomes a two way channel which can both strengthen the commitment of states to the principles of the TAC and strengthen public awareness and understanding of the work of ASEAN. This mutual reinforcement is key to a strong, effective, and sustainable regional body for peace, cooperation, and common security. 

War and Climate Change: The Nexus of Injustice and Why It Matters in Costa Rica

Militarism and major powers’ determination to maintain the status quo obstruct climate action, deepen extractivism, and exacerbate social inequalities and vulnerabilities.

This article was originally published in Ojo al Clima.
By Fiona Corr, a master’s student in Social Work at the University of Chicago.

02/09/2026

The role of military operations in international politics places the war machine above the survival of the planet, human dignity, and human rights. As a representative of the Human Rights and Climate Change Working Group stated during a meeting at the SB64 climate conference: this is no coincidence, but a deliberate choice made by the world’s major powers.

The interests of a handful of countries obstruct and undermine climate action. These countries provide military strength, funding, and support for armed conflicts, military occupation, and genocide. The international community’s prioritisation of militarism does not happen in isolation.

The pressures arising from human mobility, the climate crisis, and violence overlap and form a feedback loop, reinforced by international and domestic policies, governance systems, and social institutions and structures.

Growing militarism around the world promotes an extractive economy while exploiting, harming, and displacing vulnerable communities through direct violence, the wider impacts of war, and the consequences of climate change. Militarism not only reinforces rigid national border controls and extractivism, but also intensifies armed violence and oppression.

Unfortunately, the world is moving in the opposite direction from the solutions we need. Global military spending increases every year, worsening climate conditions and reinforcing dependence on fossil fuels.

In April 2026, the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (SIPRI) reported that global military spending reached $2.887 trillion in 2025. The United States, China, and Russia were the three largest military spenders, with combined expenditure of $1.48 trillion, or 51% of the global total.

The wars of recent years have clearly exposed the problems associated with the link to fossil fuels. The inconsistency between obligations and actions extends beyond those directly involved in armed conflicts to other international actors that continue to purchase energy resources from aggressors. This relationship ultimately finances and supports countries such as Russia, the United States, and Israel, strengthening the use of energy as a weapon.

Another aspect of this problem concerns military greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions and uncertainty surrounding up-to-date data. There is a critical gap in the data provided by the countries with the highest military spending—the United States, Russia, and China—with information either incomplete or entirely absent. These countries’ lack of transparency and accountability must be addressed.

Military investment must be redirected towards climate finance, social support, and sustainable energy alternatives, prioritising human rights, peace, and justice.

The pursuit of justice through international courts must take account of both dimensions of war’s impacts. On the one hand are the direct consequences of war. On the other are its less obvious effects: vulnerable populations facing the wider consequences of these conflicts in the form of climate-related loss and damage.

Central America, for example, is a vulnerable region facing multiple environmental threats because of its diverse and distinctive characteristics. A 2021 publication by the International Organization for Migration (IOM) explains the multiple climate-related disasters and hazards facing Central American countries, including droughts, hurricanes, and changing rainfall patterns.

Among those most vulnerable to these events are women, children, Indigenous Peoples, fishing communities, and small-scale or subsistence farmers.

The pressure climate change places on existing problems makes it a “threat multiplier”: conditions already present within a society are intensified by the climate crisis, forming a mutually reinforcing relationship.

Central America’s population faces a precarious situation, despite the region’s minimal contribution to climate change. Countries such as Costa Rica have historically pursued peace and environmental protection, but they cannot achieve climate justice without international cooperation.

Militarism and its links to the climate crisis represent an enormous obstacle both to Central American countries seeking climate justice and to the international climate regime as a whole in fulfilling its obligations.

The connection between climate change and militarism can sometimes be difficult to uncover because of missing data or the complex relationships involved. This lack of data constitutes structural violence driven by the interests of those who profit from war and oil. The world’s major powers depend on this situation to pursue their own interests, evade responsibility, and withhold international cooperation.

The fact that much loss and damage is not immediately visible allows countries responsible for conflicts to maintain the status quo without facing intervention. As a result, they evade responsibility, avoid acknowledging the harm caused, and fail to fulfil their obligation to provide the corresponding climate reparations. This is precisely why the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) exists.

The struggle must continue, guided by robust science and just policies. Achieving a fairer future requires recognising militarism’s role as a barrier to climate peace.


Fiona Corr completed an internship with La Ruta del Clima, researching and writing about the complexities of international climate politics. Her work is inspired above all by human experience, the role of community, the relationship between nature and human beings, and climate justice.

This article was originally published in Ojo al Clima.

Image credit: hosny salah / Pixabay.

IPB & Peace 1st Ethiopia Statement: A Shared Commitment to Peace, Dialogue, and Stability in Ethiopia

The International Peace Bureau (IPB) and Peace 1st Ethiopia reaffirm their solidarity with the people of Ethiopia and their commitment to peace, human dignity, social cohesion, and sustainable development. At this important time, we encourage all stakeholders to support calm, constructive engagement and peaceful approaches that protect communities and strengthen the country’s stability.

Ethiopia has a long history of resilience, cultural diversity, and community solidarity. Recent reports of insecurity and tensions in parts of northern Ethiopia underline the importance of continued efforts to prevent further violence, reduce tensions, and create conditions in which people can live safely and pursue their livelihoods. The situation calls for careful communication, mutual understanding, and a shared commitment to preventing harm to civilians.

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Global Call for Action: The “Empty Chair” Ahead of the TPNW Review Conference

By: Organizing Committee of the World Conference against Atomic and Hydrogen Bombs

The Organizing Committee of the World Conference against Atomic and Hydrogen Bombs calls on peace organizations and civil society movements worldwide to take action ahead of the first Review Conference of the Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons (TPNW), scheduled for November 30 to December 4.

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We’ll Watch the Sky

A short narrative film exploring the human cost of nuclear war through the people, relationships, and choices left in its final moments.

The film follows two estranged partners who find each other again in the final moments of a nuclear attack. Rather than focusing on the politics or mechanics of nuclear weapons, the film deliberately focuses on the people affected, asking what nuclear war actually means for ordinary people, relationships, and the people we would try to find when everything else has disappeared.

The film team is inviting organizations interested in screenings, educational events, awareness campaigns, online content, or discussions on the humanitarian consequences of nuclear war to get in touch. Visit https://moviemakingmedia.co.uk/

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Militaries and conflict: critical gaps in climate action

Published by: Conflict and Environment Conservatory

Analysing how governments address military emissions and conflict impacts in UNFCCC Nationally Determined Contributions: the climate action plans that set out how emissions will be reduced and how countries will adapt to climate risks.

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Training, Bases, and Militarization in Latin America (Entrenamiento, Bases y Militarización en América Latina)

This book, Training, Bases, and Militarization in Latin America: NATO and the United States in Latin America—compiled by Pablo Ruiz Espinoza—arrives at a historic moment of profound global geopolitical reconfiguration. Its objective is as clear as it is urgent: to expose the multiple ways in which global militarism—driven primarily by the United States and NATO—continues to reproduce structures of domination in our region through new guises, discourses, and technologies.

Author: Pablo Ruiz Espinoza

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The Security We Choose: The opportunity cost of UK military spending on education and human security 

Published by: National Education Union

Executive summary

UK military spending is rising to the detriment of other public spending

The UK’s commitment to the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO) target of spending 3.5 per cent of its GDP on defence by 2035 will require an additional £36 billion per year in current terms.

To pay for this, the government is redirecting funds from other government departments and threatening “eye-watering” cuts to public services at a time when many are on the brink of collapse.

The impacts are falling hardest on those least able to shoulder the burden, including through steep cuts to international development assistance and by reduced investment in public services and social security. 

Education under strain

Education in the UK has suffered immensely during austerity, with real-terms funding falling by billions since 2010.

Increases to defence spending undermine prospects to close funding gaps, including for teacher pay, building refurbishment, and supporting students with special educational needs.

UK aid and development support to education globally has fallen by 80 per cent since 2016.

One in five children live within 50km of an armed conflict, and attacks on education are becoming increasingly common, rising by 50 per cent in 2024-25 compared with the previous two years.

Just 1.5 days of global military spending in 2025 could pay for an entire year of aid to education.

Rethinking security

Security is about more than borders and external threats. Insecurity is more often experienced through economic, climate, democratic, health and social deficits than an attack by a foreign power. These too have life or death consequences.

Lasting peace requires tackling the drivers of insecurity, which military action often cannot address but can exacerbate. • The UK needs a human centred-approach to security, which prioritises people’s wellbeing and creates the conditions for more equitable, peaceful societies. Security through economic justice

77 per cent of the British public would prefer the government raise taxes on the very richest than cut public services. • A two per cent tax on wealth above £10 million is becoming increasingly popular, including among millionaires.

True security requires an economy that measures success through the extent to which people are able to live secure, healthy and dignified lives, in the UK and around the world.

The Security We Choose: A call to action

The UK must balance the need to respond to genuine threats to the nation’s security with the responsibility to invest in the conditions for people to live secure lives, in the UK and globally.

Will We Let AI Kill People? Our Last Chance to Stop AI Weapons

Film Documentary By: Lex International and the Future of Life Institute

AI weapons can find, select, and attack targets with little or no human control. Systems like these are already appearing on battlefields, and there are still no binding international rules that govern them. The UN Secretary-General has called for a treaty by the end of 2026.

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Statement from the Second International Forum for Peace (Foro Internacional por la Paz)

25 September 2026, Madrid, Spain

Statement – For a World in Peace and Progress

The 149 participants representing 63 organizations from 35 countries who took part in this International Peace Forum share deep concern over growing global instability, rising military spending, the militarization of international relations, and the escalation of conflicts that threaten collective security, social justice, and even the survival of humanity.

In 2026, the world is experiencing one of the most dangerous periods since the end of World War II, defined by a clear dichotomy: on one side, powers that insist on preserving a unipolar order sustained by centuries of colonial domination, with NATO acting as their military arm; on the other side, those of us promoting a new multilateral order committed to the principles of the United Nations Charter, peaceful coexistence, mutually beneficial cooperation, and solidarity among peoples.

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